You probably think you've seen this movie before. Massive crowds in the streets of Tel Aviv, furious opposition leaders giving fiery speeches, and Benjamin Netanyahu's hard-right coalition trying to rewrite the rules of Israeli democracy. But what just happened in Jerusalem isn't a rerun of the 2023 judicial overhaul drama. It's something much worse.
For the first time in Israel's 78-year history, the government didn't just propose a bad law. It officially voted to ignore a binding ruling by the Supreme Court.
It started over a technical, seemingly boring issue: a court order regarding the composition and quorum of the Second Authority for Television and Radio, the body that regulates commercial broadcasts. But Justice Minister Yariv Levin and Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi didn't just complain about the court's June 17 decision. They released a formal cabinet statement declaring that the ruling was "judicial overreach" and that the government simply would not respect it.
This isn't just political posturing ahead of the national elections coming up this October. It's a full-blown constitutional crisis. By using formal executive powers to flout a judicial order, Netanyahu's cabinet essentially declared that the government answers to no one but itself.
The Line That Was Never Supposed to Be Crossed
To understand why legal scholars like former Deputy Attorney General Dina Zilber are panicking, you have to look at how Israel's system works. Unlike the US, Israel doesn't have a written constitution. It doesn't have a bicameral legislature to balance power. It has a single chamber, the Knesset, where the ruling coalition almost always holds a disciplined majority.
The only real check on executive power is the Supreme Court.
Back in 2023, Levin tried to pass laws to dismantle that check. That move triggered months of unprecedented protests, economic chaos, and open dissent within the military. It only paused when Hamas attacked on October 7, plunging the country into a brutal multi-front war that lasted over two years.
But Netanyahu's nationalist-religious coalition never actually abandoned the plan. They just waited. Now, with the war cabinet dissolved and elections looming in October, they are resurrecting the fight with a much more dangerous tactic. Instead of trying to change the law, they are just breaking it.
Why the Media Regulator Matters
On the surface, a fight over a television and radio board sounds trivial. The Supreme Court froze some controversial government appointments to the regulator while it reviewed petitions against them. When several board members resigned—in what looked like a coordinated attempt to paralyze the watchdog—the court ruled that the regulator could keep operating without its usual quorum.
The cabinet's response was to pass a resolution stating they won't recognize any decisions made by the regulator under the court's framework.
Why pick this specific fight? Follow the power. Tehilla Shwartz Altshuler, an expert at the Israel Democracy Institute, points out that the coalition is aggressively trying to control the Israeli media landscape. They are pushing parallel legislation to dismantle independent oversight and pump funding into pro-Netanyahu outlets.
This Is an Election Strategy Built on Chaos
Netanyahu is currently on trial for bribery, fraud, and breach of trust. Two of those three criminal cases involve alleged regulatory favors traded with media moguls. He has consistently framed his trial as a left-wing witch hunt designed to topple a right-wing leader.
By picking a fight with the judges and the press right now, the Likud party can rally its base for the primaries and the general election. The narrative is simple: Us versus the unelected elites. But the escalation didn't stop with the media board. Days after the first announcement, Yariv Levin doubled down. He demanded the government ignore another Supreme Court order forcing a revote for the state comptroller position. Netanyahu had previously managed to install his own personal attorney into that independent watchdog role through a highly questionable Knesset vote. When the court stepped in, Levin essentially told them to get lost.
President Isaac Herzog, Opposition Leader Yair Lapid, and Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara have all issued severe warnings that this behavior shreds the rule of law. Lapid openly accuses the government of trying to systematically weaken the judiciary so they can manipulate or challenge the upcoming October elections without judicial interference.
The Precedent Is Already Set
If the government can choose which court rulings it likes and which ones it doesn't, the entire legal fabric of the country collapses.
Think about the immediate practical fallout. If the executive branch refuses to obey the judiciary, who do the police obey? National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, a far-right extremist, controls the police force. If the court orders the police to act one way, and Ben Gvir orders them to act another, the country slides straight into institutional anarchy.
The immediate next steps aren't found in a textbook because Israel has never been here before. If you want to understand where this goes next, keep your eyes on two specific arenas over the next few weeks:
- The Civil Service and Military Response: Watch for statements from Israel's security chiefs and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). In 2023, military reservists refusing to train forced Netanyahu to back down. We might see that resistance return if officers feel the government is losing its legal legitimacy.
- The Supreme Court's Next Ruling: The justices aren't going to back away. If they issue an explicit contempt order against the cabinet or strike down the government's upcoming media bills, the standoff moves from a rhetorical battle to a literal struggle for control over state institutions.
This isn't a theoretical debate about legal philosophy anymore. The current coalition is betting that their voters care more about total political dominance than the abstract concept of checks and balances. We'll find out if they're right by October.
